Rhineland and Champagne

The early La Tene (La Tene A) assemblage found in 1879 in the aristocratic grave at the Klein Aspergle, near Ludwigsburg in Baden-Württemberg (Pl. 3; Kimmig, 1988), which first attracted Paul Jacobsthal's attention to the study of early Celtic art in the winter of 1921, provides us with an ideal introduction to the beginnings of fifth-century La Tene art, and the problems associated with its origins. The central burial of the tumulus, one of the most impressive of a group in the near neighbourhood of the Hohenasperg fortification, had been robbed in antiquity, and the finds in question came from a subsidiary chamber that had survived the depredations of the robbers. What struck Jacobsthal so forceably was, first, the fact that a Greek cup, itself of no intrinsic quality, should be found at all in a north-alpine burial, and second, that the Greek imports were accompanied by bronze vessels of Italic form or manufacture and goldwork that displayed stylistic elements reflecting Greek forms.

The two-handled cup or kylix (Figure 3.1, 1) was subsequently attributed to the Amphitrite painter (formerly known as the Amymone painter), and dated to around 450 bc. It thus provides a terminus post quem for the grave deposit, which probably belongs to the later fifth century. Other works by the same painter are known from northern Italy, and there is thus no reason to assume that north-alpine Celts were in direct contact with Greece rather than through Greek traders in Italy or Italic intermediaries. The cup was evidently a treasured piece: not only was it embellished with gold (Figure 3.1, 2), but that embellishment concealed the repair of earlier breaks in the vessel. This red-figure cup was matched by a second, plain black cup. But these were not the only imports in the funerary assemblage. Chief among the other southern imports were a two-handled bronze jar, or stamnos, and a sheet-bronze, cordoned bucket, or cista a cordoni, both part of a high-quality wine service. Two other items from the wine service, however, are not straightforward imports, incorporating stylistic elements that are alien to the Greek or Italic traditions. One is a beaked-flagon (Greek Oenochöe, French Oenochöe a bec trefle, German Schnabelkanne), in origin, an Etruscan type that was produced from the mid-sixth to the later fifth century bc, of which more than sixty are known north of the Alps from eastern France to Bohemia. In this case, however, the satyr-like faces with protruding eyes, puffy cheeks and bulbous noses that adorn the rim and the escutcheon at the base of the handle (Figure 3.1, 3) proclaim the vessel to be of Celtic workmanship, adapting an Etruscan design to suit the more flamboyant taste of a Celtic patron. Less than complete at the time of discovery, it was


Figure 3.1 Details from the Klein Aspergle grave-group. 1, two-handled Attic kylix from above; 2, two-handled Attic kylix under-side; 3, satyr face on handle-escutcheon of beaked flagon; 4, terminals from drinking-horn mounts. Photos: Württembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart; P. Frankenstein, H. Zwietasch.

Figure 3.1 Details from the Klein Aspergle grave-group. 1, two-handled Attic kylix from above; 2, two-handled Attic kylix under-side; 3, satyr face on handle-escutcheon of beaked flagon; 4, terminals from drinking-horn mounts. Photos: Württembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart; P. Frankenstein, H. Zwietasch.

for many years reconstructed as a typically dumpy beaked flagon on the Etruscan model. A newer restoration, however, with taller, slightly concave body profile, enhances its similarity to other well-known examples of Celtic renderings of the type, like those from Dürrnberg-bei-Hallein in the Austrian Alps and from Basse-Yutz in the Moselle. The other exceptional discovery from the Klein Aspergle grave-group is a pair of gold drinking-horns, not a north-alpine or Celtic type in origin, though examples are known from late Hallstatt contexts, most strikingly the set from the richly furnished princely tomb at Hochdorf. The principal ornamental design of the Klein Aspergle horns is a simple rope-pattern or guilloche, and their terminals are in the form of rams' heads (Fig 3.1, 4), for which Graeco-Etruscan models and even orientalizing influences have been invoked. Other grave-goods include a beaten bronze bowl of native manufacture and a plaque of gold on an iron base with settings for coral inlay, another indicator of the Mediterranean connection.

Whoever the anonymous dignitary buried in the Klein Aspergle tomb was, whether native or incomer, male or female (the lack of weaponry might conventionally have suggested the latter), we may at least infer that his or her authority, or that of the society he or she represented, commanded trans-alpine communications at a significant level, and that feasting and drinking on a sumptuous scale for at least ceremonial occasions are indicated by the accompanying grave-goods. To illuminate the nature of that trans-alpine activity, we can examine the distributions of some of the key imports in question.

Taking first the three key types from the Klein Aspergle tomb, it is clear that their distributions are not co-terminous north of the Alps. Stamnoi are fairly limited in number, and are restricted to the regions immediately north and west of the Alps. Cordoned buckets have a wider, though not especially dense distribution (Figure 3.2B) with the majority of examples east of the Rhine, and significantly extending into the north European plain, well beyond regions that could be claimed as Celtic. Finally, beaked flagons (Figure 3.2A) were especially popular in the middle Rhine region, with a scatter of examples in Champagne and Bohemia. This type not only prompted native copies, they also inspired imitations in pottery that are occasionally found north of the Alps. For the middle Rhine region, Frey argued that the concentrations of individual types suggest that trans-alpine imports were negotiated on a highly localized basis, with the majority of beaked flagons represented in his Rhinehessen-Palatinate and Hochwald-Nahe groups, which also include another bronze type, the two-handled basin, while the adjacent Rhein-Moselle group is characterized by yet another type, the so-called Rhein-Tessin buckets (Megaw and Megaw, 1990, Figure 25). Almost all these finds come from high-status burials, and are indicative of the importance of feasting and drinking or of the symbols of feasting and drinking in the funerary ritual, and by implication in the lives of the Celtic princes and princesses whose tombs we assume these were.

Southern imports into Celtic Europe were not, however, restricted to Mediterranean wine and prestige goods associated with the serving and drinking of wine. From late Hallstatt times, a variety of Mediterranean imports had appeared in north-alpine Europe, notably but probably not exclusively through the Greek colony of Massilia at Marseilles. In the fifth century, trans-alpine trade intensified, doubtless encouraging the movement of people too, culminating in the historically recorded migrations of Celts into northern Italy by the early fourth century bc. Among the products of this activity was the appearance of coral, ivory and silk, and the introduction of a new technology based upon rotary motion, represented by the potter's wheel and the lathe. The frequent use of coral as an adjunct to ornament on early examples of Celtic art is particularly interesting (Champion, 1976; 1985), since it was already fashionable from the late Hallstatt (Hallstatt D) phase of the sixth century, before the appearance of the early La Tene art style. It therefore represents one technical component of Celtic art

Celtic ArtPolska Tene
Figure 3.2 Italic imports north of the Alps. A: distribution of beaked flagons. Adapted from Kimmig (1988) and Vorlauf (1997). B: distribution of cordoned buckets. Adapted from Stjernquist (1988).

that has a history antecedent to the La Tène phase. It is, furthermore, instructive regarding the source of southern imports. The late Hallstatt distribution of coral north of the Alps covers Switzerland, the Danube, the Rhine and the Marne, but shows a marked paucity of finds in the Rhône valley or southern France. The clear implication is that coral was introduced in the sixth century via alpine routes that were evidently operational before the supposed shift away from Massilia and the Rhône-Saône route into barbarian Europe.

While the appearance of high-status goods might best be explained as diplomatic gifts, these more mundane products are surely evidence of trade or exchange on a regular basis. The question therefore naturally arises, what were the southern traders receiving in exchange? What could north-alpine Europe offer to attract the interest of Greek or Etruscan dealers? One possibility could be metal ores, another forest products, a third slaves, in effect, those exports that Strabo listed as the products that attracted the interest of the classical world several centuries later, whose reality is not susceptible to archaeological demonstration.

One outcome of the trans-alpine contacts with the Mediterranean world was to introduce the Celtic craftsman to a range of classical plant motifs that provided one of the principal stylistic influences in the development of the Early Style of early La Tène art, sometimes called the Strict Style. Two motifs derived from the classical repertory are recurrent, the palmette and the lotus. The essence of the La Tène style, however, is not the slavish imitation of classical designs, but their adaptation into a new and vibrant treatment that progressively becomes more assured and independent of any debt to the original source. This is achieved initially by breaking up the classical motifs into their component elements, and re-assembling them in a different composition. Hence the classical palmette, which is commonly rendered by the Celtic artist as a simplified three-leaved motif, may be split in half, or further reduced to individual comma-leaves, the relationship of which to the classical palmette must be regarded as secondary at best.

To understand this process of adopting and adapting the classical plant repertory, it is best to begin by examining an example in which the classical model is followed quite closely. Frey's (1976) comparison of a frieze of alternating lotuses and palmettes from Cerveteri (Caere) and the open-work gold strip from a La Tène A burial at Eigenbilzen in Belgian Limburg (Figure 3.3, 1 and 2) leaves little doubt about the Celtic artist's model, even if the palmettes have been reduced to the simple three-leaved version and the lotuses have lost some of their botanical detail. The slightly curved outline of the strip suggests that it may have been an ornamental mount from a drinking-horn. A more complex treatment is illustrated by the small open-work gold-on-bronze mounting for a wooden bowl from a La Tène A princely burial of the Hunsruck-Eifel culture at Schwarzenbach in the Saarland (Frey, 1971), dating to the later fifth century (Pl. 2b). Between the base and the frieze below the rim are two principal panels, an upper and a lower (Figure 3.3, 3). Beginning with the lower panel we may identify along its bottom half, and notwithstanding several breaks in the open-work, a series of lotuses and pendant palmettes. The lotus plants show distinct sepals, though the stamens of the Cerveteri model are missing. The pendant palmettes are again reduced to the simple, three-leafed device, but the spirals from which they spring in the model are rendered as a pair of repoussé circlets. Thus far the influence of the classical model is reasonably clear. The upper half of the lower panel is occupied by fragmented elements

Motif Fle Palmette

Figure 3.3 Palmette and lotus in early La Tene art. 1, the classical model: frieze on hydria from Cerveteri (Caere), adapted from Walters (1893); 2, section reconstructed of mount from Eigenbilzen, Belgium; 3, section reconstructed of Schwarzenbach bowl; 4, 'deconstruction' of lotus motif on Schwarzenbach bowl.

Figure 3.3 Palmette and lotus in early La Tene art. 1, the classical model: frieze on hydria from Cerveteri (Caere), adapted from Walters (1893); 2, section reconstructed of mount from Eigenbilzen, Belgium; 3, section reconstructed of Schwarzenbach bowl; 4, 'deconstruction' of lotus motif on Schwarzenbach bowl.

from the plant designs, pairs of comma-leaves alternating with truncated lotuses in which the stamens are retained. The upper panel at first sight would appear again to be an assemblage of split-palmettes and lotus-derived comma-leaves, still strictly repetitive in spite of the disjunction of the component parts. In fact, the comma-leaves that clasp the back-to-back split palmettes are lotuses in which the left petal has moved to the right, and the right has moved to the left (Figure 3.3, 4), as the position of the sepals makes clear, the stamen remaining between them. They are, of course, no longer lotuses, any more than the split palmettes are palmettes, since they are subsumed within a new and unitary composition. The base of the Schwarzenbach bowl displays another recurrent motif of early Celtic art, the triskele, here arranged as a static series of adjacent elements. The significance of this component in the development of the ensuing 'Vegetal' style will be discussed in a later chapter.

A distinctive technique that is well illustrated by the Schwarzenbach bowl is the accentuation of the decorative elements by means of repoussé dotting. This same technique can be seen on a series of ornamental plaques, some of which display similarities sufficient to prompt speculation that they could have been the product of a single workshop or school of craftsmen. An example from a warrior-grave at Weiskirchen on the Saar employs basically the same motifs that are characteristic of the Early or Strict Style (Megaw, 1970a, Pl. 2a). Within its central roundel, and at its four projecting terminals, were originally settings for coral inlay. Grouped around the central roundel are pairs of comma-leaves, each enclosing a small humanoid face, depicted with straight, fringe hair-style and with exaggerated eyes and twirly eyebrows. The distinctive hairstyle can be paralleled in the seventh century in northern Italy, and the same features recur in a number of similar faces disguised among the foliage of early La Tène art. Between the pairs of comma-leaves, and between them and the terminal-settings, are small, three-leaved palmettes. All the principal elements are outlined in repoussé dotting, and the entire composition is essentially symmetrical. With the notable exception of the miniature faces, the grouping of paired commas-leaves around a central, coral-inlaid roundel is replicated on the plaque from Schwabsburg, while essentially the same elements in a different composition can be seen on plaques from Chlum in the Czech Republic and from the Klein Aspergle tomb.

Much of the high-status metal-work that we have considered so far derives from the princely burials of the Rhineland, and in particular the Hunsrück-Eifel culture of the middle Rhine region, which for the early La Tène period achieves the same position of pre-eminence in archaeological studies as Baden-Württemberg and south-west Germany had enjoyed for the preceding late Hallstatt phase. The hallmark of these early La Tène princely burials (Fürstengräber) is the inclusion of a two-wheeled cart or chariot, the early La Tène counterpart of the rich four-wheeled wagon-burials of the preceding late Hallstatt era, generally contained in a sizeable wooden chamber under a barrow mound. The funerary rite is inhumation, and the grave-goods can include a wide range of weaponry, drinking service and personal ornaments. At Kärlich, near Koblenz, eight chariot burials yielded a rich assemblage of weapons, drinking vessels and ornaments (Joachim, 1968). Unfortunately, many of the classic sites were nineteenth-century discoveries, though several important sites were excavated in more recent times. Among the first sites excavated to modern standards, albeit under circumstances of rescue excavation, was the Reinheim cemetery, on the southern edge of the distribution (Keller, 1965; Echt, 1999). Subsequently, important cemeteries were excavated at

Hochscheid, between 1975 and 1977, and at Bescheid between 1977 and 1979 (Haffner, 1991). Barrow 9 at Bescheid was of particular interest, being that of a child with an unusually rich assemblages of grave-goods, including Etruscan imports. Barrow 1 at Hoppstädten, just to the south, was also a child's burial, with Etruscan flagon and a range of weaponry. Evidently children, including girls, were not excluded from these privileged burials. Bescheid is also important for its demonstration of the fact that chariot burial continued as a local tradition in the region even after the adoption of cremation, through the fourth century and down to the mid-third. A wealth of grave-goods continued to be included, piled on to the funerary pyre. In the totality of known cemeteries and burials, of course, the wealthy graves are very much a conspicuous minority. Settlement evidence, though not lacking, at least in terms of contemporary fortifications, like the Aleburg bei Befort, attracted less attention than the cemeteries with their wealth of material remains, which are more amenable to the construction of typological sequences and systems of classification than the debris of domestic occupation.

The Reinheim burial (tumulus A) is worth specific consideration here, not least because it is one of several in the Hunsrück-Eifel series that are regarded as tombs of a princess rather than a prince. We have noted earlier that attributions to gender have conventionally been made on the basis of associated grave-goods rather than anatomical analysis, the assumption being that warrior equipment implies a male burial and a preponderance of jewellery a female burial. Any study of anthropological analogues would probably advise caution before adopting such a simplistic formula, which in any case seems to presuppose that grave-goods in some sense belonged to or proclaim the identity of the deceased rather than the social office, or the requirements of the community that deposited them. The burial was inhumed within a wooden chamber under a tumulus, which was defined by a circular enclosing trench. The principal ornaments were a neck-torc of twisted, beaten gold and two arm-rings of sheet-gold, two gold finger-rings and two gold-on-iron disc brooches. A bronze brooch in the shape of a hen and another incorporating a human face in its foot were also included in the assemblage, together with more than a hundred glass and amber beads. An unusual item for a Continental La Tene grave-inventory, and one that might be taken to endorse the female stereotype, was a bronze mirror. The feasting and drinking service was represented by a pair of gold mounts for drinking-horns, a pair of bronze basins, and a gilt-bronze spouted flagon. The latter is most closely paralleled in form and decoration in the chariot-burial at Waldalgesheim, also commonly taken as a female grave on much the same evidence as Reinheim, which Jacobsthal identified as the type-site for his ensuing phase of fully developed early La Tene art. The Waldalgesheim assemblage for the most part belongs to La Tene B, but its spouted flagon was evidently old by the time it was buried.

The spouted flagon is of a distinctive type, with its flattened pedestal base, pot-belly and tubular spout, but it is not unique, individual examples having been found as widely distributed as Eigenbilzen in Belgium and the Dürrnberg in Austria, while pottery versions somewhat improbably imitate the same form. The Reinheim and Waldalgesheim flagons display several features in common (Figure 3.4). Both are ornamented at the foot of the handle with a human face, the one menacing with its lentoid eyes, the other benign and statesmanlike. Both handles are further embellished at their upper ends, at Waldalgesheim with a stylized ram's head, on the Reinheim

Figure 3.4 Engraved ornament on the Reinheim (1) and Waldalgesheim (2) flagons. Reproduced from Kimmig (1988) by kind permission of the Landesdenkmalamt, Stuttgart.

handle with a descending sequence of human face, with neat moustache and beard, over a ram's head resting on a three-leaved palmette. Animals feature again on the lids of both vessels, at Reinheim a centaur, at Waldalgesheim a sad-looking horse whose emaciated appearance, as we shall see later, shows eastern influences. The most significant element in common, which may even indicate they are the work of the same craftsman, or the product of the same workshop or school, is the engraved decoration of the two vessels. On the Reinheim flagon, this is restricted to three panels, around neck, girth and base, whereas at Waldalgesheim the ornament is more extensive over the body of the vessel. The technique whereby the outline of the design is executed is also different, in the former by use of a tremolo line, in the latter by fine dotting. Yet the standard repertory of motifs is common to both, including simplified lotuses, S-curving leaves, circlets, in an immensely detailed and rigorously symmetrical composition. Notwithstanding the fact that the Waldalgesheim flagon was quite old when buried, the implication of its close stylistic similarities with Reinheim should be that the latter is late within the La Tene A series, around the middle of the fourth century bc. The debate is compounded by the unsatisfactory standard of investigation of the Waldalgesheim tomb in 1869—70; indeed, the fact that the flagon and Campanian bronze bucket from Waldalgesheim were found apparently at a deeper level than the ornamented gold torc and bracelets at one stage led to the suggestion that the tomb contained two successive burials. The case nevertheless underlines the important principle that the date of manufacture is not the same as the date of deposit, and while the distinction between the two will not normally be significant or detectable in the context of domestic debris, it most certainly can be in burial contexts, especially in the accumulated wealth of high-status graves.

One of the key issues raised by the late Hallstatt to early La Tene transition is whether cultural change was coeval in different regions of Central Europe, or whether late Hallstatt and early La Tene groups overlapped in time, whether in fact they represent different regional manifestations of contemporary fashions (Frey, 1972; Pauli, 1978). Much of the debate focused upon the details of brooch typology of the Hallstatt D3 and La Tene A phases, in which there appear to be different regional sequences in the fifth century between south-west Germany, the middle Rhine and the eastern Alps, as represented by the cemetery at Durrnberg-bei-Hallein. Similar considerations may affect the transition from La Tene A to La Tene B, the former phase apparently being absent altogether in south-west Germany. The implication for a study of the development of early La Tene art is that we should not expect a regionally uniform progression of stylistic stages as Jacobsthal's sequence might have implied. In effect, it might be argued that there is no such thing as a unitary 'Early Style', but a series of Early Styles with certain common elements or influences, a concept that is not incompatible with the idea of long-distance contacts between specialist craftsmen or their patrons, or even of mobility over long distances of craftsmen or warrior-patrons.

A second outstanding concentration of early La Tene cemeteries is located in Champagne, in the river valleys of the Aisne, Oise and Marne, where southern imports in princely tombs equally bear witness to contacts with the Mediterranean world. As in the Hunsruck-Eifel region, the great majority of known cemeteries was excavated in the nineteenth century by very mediocre standards, so that of the 10,000 or 15,000 graves uncovered, only around 2,000 are amenable to useful classification. As always, grave associations offer potential for typological seriation of artefacts, and the sequence devised on this basis by Hatt and Roualet (1977) allows quite close chronological sub-division, at any rate for the early La Tene phase. Equally, however, the cemeteries have been studied from a social perspective by Sankot (1977) and others, basing their analyses not simply on ritual considerations, whether inhumation or cremation, the disposition and orientation of the body within the grave, or the combination and disposition of various groups within the cemetery, but upon the artefactual associations and their disposition within the burial. Several classes of burial are distinctive. Chariot-burials again have attracted attention disproportionate to their numbers, around 150 out of the many thousands of graves that have been investigated. Apart from chariot-burials, there are 'cavalier' burials, those with horse-gear though lacking a vehicle. There are 'warrior' burials, containing either sword, spear or shield fittings, on average perhaps between 10 and 25 per cent of a cemetery. And there is a rather greater number of burials containing jewellery, most commonly bracelets and brooches, but occasionally also torcs, that are generally assumed to be female burials, notwithstanding the iconographic evidence for the wearing of the torc by men, and the purely functional requirement of brooches as a fastening for clothes. The disposition of brooches and bracelets, especially where more than one is involved, could well be indicative of social or marital status. Some graves are accompanied by pottery vessels, of a variety of types. Among the earlier, angular vessels with pedestal bases (vases carenees) include tall jars and bowls with lower profiles, while another variant is the straight-sided vessel resembling a saucepan (without handles!) or a lathe-turned tub. All these types may bear simple geometric, linear ornament, mainly confined to the upper half of the vessel. Overlapping the chronological currency of these, though outlasting them into the ensuing phase, are pedestal pots of more curving, pear-shaped profile (vases piriformes), on which the decoration occasionally aspires to more graceful curvilinear designs.

With improving standards of field recovery, there is evidence for the use of coffins, and perhaps for the existence of some superstructure over the graves. Some burials were enclosed by ditches, circular in form from the earliest phase and thereafter commonly square or rectilinear. The latter tend to enclose groups of burials rather than individual graves, and this, together with the occurrence of linear or semi-circular groups, suggests the possibility of family or kin arrangements. Grave markers do not survive, but the disposition of burials that rarely intrude one upon another suggests that such may have existed in a form that has not survived archaeologically. An intriguing feature of a number of cemeteries, notably Villeneuve-Renneville and Fere-Champenoise, is the filling of the grave with 'terre noire , a dark deposit frequently containing fragmentary domestic debris, which could be the product of some aspect of the funerary ritual in the process of interment. On the other hand, its occurrence in cemeteries is variable, and it has been suggested that it is no more than the residue from a now-eroded former topsoil. Only in chariot-burials is its occurrence universal.

Among the most celebrated of these chariot-burials is the late fifth-century La Tene A tomb excavated in 1877 at La Gorge Meillet, Somme-Tourbe. The burial chamber was sub-rectangular or slightly trapezoidal on outline, with slots to accommodate the chariot wheels, and a raised platform at one end to support the draught pole and yoke. The interment comprised two superimposed inhumations, both regarded as male, the upper with the warrior's long sword across his left side. Grave-goods included in addition three spear-heads and a larger lance-head, and a tall, conical helmet with short neck-guard, in effect, the classic Celtic warrior's panoply. The helmet, of a type also known in chariot-burials at Berru, Cuperly and Chalons-sur-Marne, was decorated with rectilinear zig-zag designs executed in tremolo lines. The rest of the grave assemblage included an imported Italic beaked flagon, horse-gear, coral-mounted ornaments and characteristic pedestalled pottery.

Equally prominent among the older burials is the Somme-Bionne chariot-burial, discovered in 1873. The grave pit itself was stepped, the deepest excavation being to retain the pair of wheels, while an extension of the main chamber held the draught-pole and the yoke. Nothing survived of the chassis or timber components of the chariot, but the iron tyres of the wheels indicated where they had been lowered into position. In accordance with custom in the region, no horses were buried with the dead, but bridle bits and harness equipment, including two open-work bronze plaques, were deposited in the trench that held the yoke. The burial was of an extended inhumation, again assumed to be male on account of the accompanying long iron sword in bronze and iron scabbard, suspended by its belt on the warrior's right-hand side, together with shorter iron knife at his left. At the front of the chamber were an Etruscan bronze flagon and an imported, stemless Attic red-figure cup, dating to around 420 bc, that was almost certainly quite old by the time it was incorporated into the grave. The associated grave-goods also included a fine, open-work bronze phalera and a belt-clasp depicting a pair of griffons in open-work, for which Frey, as we shall see, has cited close Italic parallels.

Open-work discs or plaques from the Champagne may also serve as an introduction to an important technical innovation in early Celtic art, the use of compasses to outline quasi-floral motifs (Frey and Schwappach, 1973). The Somme-Bionne phalera is a prime example (Figure 3.5). The open-work disc displays a complex geometric template based upon nine concentric circles from central disc to circumference, with innumerable intersecting arcs creating the rather rigid, quasi-floral design. A similar construction technique is deployed in an open-work disc from another Marnian chariot-burial at Cuperly. Of equal interest, however, is the second open-work mount from Cuperly, in which a nine-leaved palmette is embraced by an open-work lyre terminating in a pair of griffons-heads (Megaw and Megaw, 2001, Fig. 58).

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    What is on the reinheim open bracelet?
    8 years ago
  • OUTI
    How did celtic culture tie in with the princely graves of hallstatt?
    8 years ago

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